Insecurity and instability drive voters in Peru's tight presidential race
Bus driver Toño says a criminal gang shot him in the legs and body after demanding money. If you don't meet our demands, we will kill your drivers.
This message, demanding about $15,000, was sent by a criminal gang to a bus company in a poor suburb of Peru's capital, Lima. It preceded an armed attack on bus driver, Toño.
They shot me in the legs and abdomen. I was out of work for four months, now I work with fear. Although my wounds are dry, internally I feel pain, he says.
Toño's case was one of nearly 30,000 extortion incidents reported in Peru in 2025, many targeting small businesses or transport workers.
This issue, along with rising homicides, is why insecurity and crime have become top concerns for voters in Sunday's presidential election in Peru.
The right-wing Keiko Fujimori, daughter of the late former president, Alberto Fujimori, is running for a fourth time against left-wing Roberto Sánchez.
Fujimori has defined her campaign with an array of tough-on-crime policies, while Sánchez has promised sweeping changes to the state and higher public spending.
In Lima's suburb of San Juan de Lurigancho, dusty hilltop neighbourhoods sprawl precariously down the slopes. Armed police guard the gate to the bus depot where Toño works. They say this is Lima's worst district for extortion.
Toño, who now drives with plain-clothed armed police on board for his protection, wants whoever the next president is to have a strong hand against crime.
According to an independent observatory of crime and violence, 239 drivers were killed last year.
I've never been so afraid to leave my young children. If I had money, I'd leave the country, he says.
Eiffel Calla, head of security at the depot, says five drivers from their company have been attacked. One was killed, another was left in a vegetative state.
Fears of insecurity have driven other Latin American nations further right in recent elections, boosting leaders who promise a hardline approach to law and order.
At her final campaign rallies, Fujimori declared war on extortionists, promising to deploy the military against organised crime, control prisons, and work with financial institutions to block extorted money.
She's invoked the memory of her father, Alberto Fujimori - president from 1990-2000 - whose hardline approach resulted in him being jailed for human rights abuses. His supporters, though, remember him for bringing order to the country and stabilising the economy.
At a Fujimori rally, supporter Piero argues a heavy-handed approach to insecurity is sorely lacking in these times and describes Peru as overflowing with crime.
Another, Janeth, says for economy stability, we choose Keiko Fujimori.
Despite having churned through eight presidents in the last 10 years, Peru's economy has remained relatively stable. It is a major exporter of critical minerals and metals such as copper.
Fujimori's supporters pit her free market approach to the economy and pledge to attract more US investment against Sánchez's proposals to review mining contracts, increase some corporate taxes, raise the minimum wage and give the state more control over natural resources – ideas that have unsettled financial markets.
He argues Peru's wealth originating from its natural resources doesn't reach ordinary people or the often rural communities where a lot of mining takes place.
Sánchez's supporters, such as María Elena Linares, disagree that his policies will bring economic instability.
We are going to nationalise, but we are also going to accept foreign countries that want to contribute to our country. Don't believe this negative idea that communism throws out foreign investors – they're grossly wrong, she insists.
Our raw material, our gold, our copper, goes to other countries... we are experiencing misery.
Another supporter, Raúl, backs Sánchez's plans to expand the state and hopes it will bring more investment in health and education, as well as infrastructure outside of Peru's major cities.
Sánchez has also promised to free former left-wing president Pedro Castillo, who was imprisoned after trying to dissolve congress and rule by decree to avoid impeachment.
No party has a majority in Peru's congress, which has led to regular presidential impeachments, though Fujimori's party has the largest minority bloc.
Many Peruvians are fatigued by this instability. Last year, Gen Z protests erupted, with young people arguing the state was failing to tackle crime, corruption and inequality.
On Friday, a judge said Sanchez could stand trial over alleged undeclared campaign finances from regional elections from 2018-2020. He denies the accusations and is expected to appeal.
Fujimori spent years under investigation over campaign financing allegations too, which were dropped last year. But she spent nearly a year-and-a-half in jail in pre-trial detention from 2018-20.
Under-30s make up about a quarter of Peru's electorate, and many who protested feel neither candidate can deliver real change.
Consuelo, 21, vice-president of the student federation of Peru's Pontifical Catholic University, cites political exhaustion with the political class.
She feels deciding between the final two options in Sunday's vote is like choosing the lesser evil.
However, she is concerned about Fujimori's pledge to replicate some of her father's policies.
To talk about Fujimorism is to talk about authoritarianism, and that is something that for many students represents an enormous fear.
Fellow student Cielo, 23, has taken part in anti-Keiko protests, despite crime being a top issue for her after her own family's small business was extorted.
Alvaro, 22, says his first choice of candidate failed to make it to the final round, but he would vote critically for Sánchez to keep Fujimori out.
I'd like a more modern right with free-market values, but represented by someone who is not so vindictive and wants to work for Peru, he says.
What these students share with more passionate supporters on both sides is a desire for the instability to end so policies on crime, corruption and inequality can actually be implemented.
With no majority party in congress and two candidates at very different ends of the political spectrum, many analysts think this is still a long way off.
José Luis Pérez Guadalupe, interior minister from 2015-16 and professor at the Pacific University, says great polarisation means whoever wins, it's going to be difficult for them to implement their plans.
We've had eight presidents in 10 years, 24 justice ministers, 32 interior ministers. That's high volatility.
It's no surprise then that many Peruvians share Consuelo's frustrated verdict: Whether Fujimori wins, or Sánchez wins, we know there will most likely be a lot of instability.
In reality, it's a pretty hopeless choice.
